Former Palestinian diplomat Afif Safieh said the
Palestinians became 'unreasonably reasonable' in the early 1970s. Photograph:
Dan Chung for the Guardian
Palestinians Will Soon Come Full Circle
by Sam Bahour
The Palestinian national liberation movement has reached its
end. As the Palestinian leadership – if there is such a legitimate body today –
prepares to bring the
issue of statehood to the UN this September, the weeks and months ahead
will witness the last desperate attempt to get the international community to
assume their responsibilities and ensure that a Palestinian state becomes a
reality in the occupied territories.
The reasons for the failure of the Palestinian national
liberation movement are many. First and foremost, the shellshock that the
creation of Israel
caused among Palestinians in 1948 has never really gone away. Half of the
Palestinian population at the time were displaced from their homes.
Those that refused to flee are today citizens of Israel – a
citizenship that was not requested, but rather imposed upon them – and comprise
more than 1.2 million people, Muslims and Christians.
As if the forced dispossession from 78% of their homeland
was not enough, the Israeli military occupied the remaining parts of Palestine in 1967. Israel had
planned for that occupation long before the war. Military occupation is, by
definition, regarded as a temporary state of affairs – and one would be
stretching the definition to the point of fantasy to consider Israel’s presence
in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem as still temporary after 44 years. Reality
is much more accurately described as the crime of apartheid than that of
military occupation.
Beginning in the early 1970s, the Palestinians became, as
former Palestinian diplomat Afif Safieh put it, “unreasonably reasonable”. Year
after year the Palestinian leadership offered concession after concession,
trying to reach an equitable resolution to their dispossession and military
occupation.
This seemingly never-ending chain of concessions culminated
in what is known as the 1993 Oslo peace accords. These accords were a
seriously lopsided bilateral agreement between the PLO and Israel, which
attempted to bring the parties to a “final status agreement” within five years.
The Oslo accords kept the
system of military occupation in place and simply codified the unsustainable
imbalance between an occupying power (Israel) and an occupied people (the
Palestinians). The accords failed, miserably and multiple times. Not only did a
final agreement never happen, but today we are further from a two-state
solution than ever before. No amount of 11th-hour wordsmithing
by Barack Obama or Binyamin Netanyahu around reviving negotiations by setting a
starting point for discussing borders is acceptable. Past procrastination has
only created irreparable damage on the ground invoking a dire need for an end
game, not yet another starting point.
After struggling to revive the peace process for two
decades, the Palestinians have lost faith in the process as well as in those
tasked with overseeing it, namely the Quartet – United
States, Russia,
the EU and the UN. For the entire period of the peace process, Israel ploughed
forward with more land confiscations, more settlement building, more death and
more destruction.
Any honest observer would reach a clear conclusion that Israel has no
intention of allowing the Palestinians to create a new reality on the ground
towards a feasible, workable resolution of the crisis. Nor are the powers that
be, namely the US
and EU, serious about ending the conflict on the basis of international law.
Diplomacy has utterly failed the Palestinians, leaving them with less land and
less water, more fragmented, poorer, in disunity, and with fading hopes.
The drama unfolding as we head towards September revolves
around a simple equation. Those who claim to be the Palestinian leadership have
no more tricks up their sleeves to justify remaining in negotiations with their
occupier. Thus, they are taking what is being portrayed as a strategic move to
apply for membership of the state of Palestine
in the UN.
The underlying political fact they are trying to
re-establish is that the resolution to this seemingly insoluble conflict is two
states, Israel and Palestine, based on UN general
assembly resolution 181, which in 1947 partitioned Palestine (illegally, I
might add).
This move gets an “A” for effort but is doomed to fail even
if Palestine is
admitted into the UN this year, next year, in five years or not at all. The
realities on the ground have changed drastically since 1947. Israel, with blind
US support, has succeeded in removing a two-state solution from the feasible
options.
The new Palestinian leaders, those whom the Israeli
negotiators have not yet met, see the larger picture and refuse to believe that
Israel
desires to live in peace when every indication for 64 years has shown the
opposite. The emerging Palestinian leaders see Israel for what it is: a
settler, colonial, apartheid movement clinging to a racialist, exclusivist
ideology that neither wishes nor intends to allow another state to emerge
between the Mediterranean sea and the Jordan river, let alone allowing
Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and be compensated for their
hardships, as was stipulated as a condition when the UN accepted Israel as a
member state on 11 May 1949.
Once this foredoomed move toward Palestinian membership in
the UN runs its course, a new paradigm will take root, one that Israel dreads
because it implicitly views Palestinians and Israelis as equals, as
co-citizens, as partners. This new shift will see Palestinians dropping their
desire for independent statehood in a fraction of their historic homeland and
instead will find them, within a genuinely representative political structure,
articulating their desire for self-determination within their historic
homeland, even if that homeland today is called Israel.
The Palestinians are about to come full circle. They were
correct, painfully so, to call for a secular democratic state at the outset of
this conflict. Sadly, they wasted precious time and lost too many lives trying
to accept unjust modalities of a resolution.
Now, the sooner Palestinians and Israelis realise that our
destiny is to live together as equals, the sooner we can begin to rehabilitate
our communities and build a single society whose citizens are all equal under
law and equal as human beings.
Source: guardian.co.uk
___________________________________________
Sam Bahour is a Palestinian-American freelance business
consultant and, until recently, served as a trustee at Birzeit University
and the Dalia Association. He currently serves as a director at the Arab
Islamic Bank. www.epalestine.com


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