Beyond his seismic military reshuffle, President Morsi
appears set to shake up the judiciary and government, confirming Islamist
dominance.
Dina Ezzat, Thursday 16 Aug 2012
It was not an easy decision to take, or an easy move to
implement. This is what many insiders say when they talk about Sunday's
military reshuffle in which President Mohamed Morsi, 44 days after being sworn
in, effectively removed from public life two of the strongest military leaders:
Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, head of the Supreme Council of the Armed
Forces (SCAF) that has been running the country since the ouster of Hosni
Mubarak 11 February 2011, and his second in command, General Sami Anan.
The move was shocking even to some
who had predicted an end to the détente between Muslim Brotherhood and SCAF
leaders. Tantawi had just been reconfirmed as defence minister, and along
with Anan seemed set in his role as the head of SCAF. It also came against the
backdrop of confusion that followed an attack in Rafah that killed 17 Egyptian
border guards, whose funeral was missed by Morsi and briefly attended by
Tantawi amid leaks pointing to a rift between the two men.
However, the president's reasons to
execute the military reshuffle go beyond the rift and prior mistrust that
controlled the relation between Morsi and Tantawi, along with other generals
removed during the past few days, including chief of intelligence Mourad
Mouafi. "The president was frustrated by the fact that he was treated
as an outsider by his top aides. Some of them were not even considering him as
the commander in chief, as he is rightly so," said a presidential aide who
wished to remain anonymous.
Morsi, the aide said, could not have
accepted to be "half a president." Those who had thought otherwise
were much mistaken. "As a president, Dr Morsi is entitled to fully
assume his prerogatives," the same aide said.
Morsi's attempt to challenge SCAF
control was initiated three weeks ago when he called on the predominantly
Islamist parliament, which was dissolved by the High Constitutional Court shortly before
the presidential elections, to reassemble. A few days later, Morsi bowed to the
reaffirmed decision of the court.
"But during the battle to
reclaim the legislative power that was transferred from parliament to SCAF, as
the former was dissolved, Dr Morsi knew that he had to drop the constitutional
decree that was issued (by SCAF) a few days before the election (of Morsi) and
that had amounted to a forced power share between the president and SCAF,"
the same aide said.
The abrogation of this decree was
announced Sunday alongside the forced retirement of Tantawi and Anan.
According to Yasser Ali, the
presidential spokesmen, both decisions are designed to help the president
honour the demands of the 25 January Revolution for democratisation in Egypt. Ali,
speaking to reporters at a press briefing earlier this week, did not exclude
further moves under the banner of "honouring the demands of the
revolution."
Indeed, sources suggest that the
process of reshuffling will continue beyond the composition of the
Islamist-leaning Hisham Qandil government, the appointment of Mahmoud Mekki as
vice president, and the elimination of Tantawi, Anan, Mouafi and a few other
army generals.
Restructuring SCAF under the
command of Morsi, as commander in chief, and by the direct supervision of
Morsi's new defence minister, Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, yet another confirmed
Islamist-leaning figure, sources following ongoing consultations suggest that
only a handful of the original SCAF will remain. Some suggest three, others
argue seven. Many resigned their positions in the last two days.
Beyond SCAF, Morsi is
contemplating, according to inside sources, another set of moves to make his
presidency "more efficient." With the help of key advisors,
including Ahmed Mekki, and Vice President Mekki, one such move is to end the
service of a judges the president perceives as antagonistic towards his
presidency, or worse, "representatives of the regime of ousted president
Hosni Mubarak."
After the Eid holidays concluding
Ramadan, announcements will be made regarding the judiciary, though in a
fashion that would not suggest interference on the part of the president in the
affairs of the judiciary. "The judiciary is and will remain
independent," said Ali following the military reshuffle.
According to one insider, Morsi is
considering a tactful end to the mandate of General Prosecutor Abdel-Meguid
Mahmoud who, like Tantawi and Anan, assumed his job under the rule of
Mubarak. "This man is one of Mubarak's key men and his recent
decision to keep Mubarak in (Tora) prison hospital rather than the Maadi
military hospital to which he had been removed is an attempt to disassociate himself
from the old regime," said the same aide on condition of anonymity.
For this move to happen in a way
that does not make Morsi look like another dictator in the making, the
nomination of the new prosecutor general has to be made not by Morsi but by a
competent authority that the president approves of. Ali denied news
suggesting that the prosecutor general, who has been under medication in Germany
recently, is too ill to resume his job or that he was asked to retire.
Calling parliamentary elections is
what Morsi is most keen on. On Sunday, when announcing the move to force
Tantawi and Anan to retire, and to annul the SCAF addendum to the
Constitutional Declaration, Ali also announced the plan to hold parliamentary
elections within two months.
In theory, the president should
wait for the constitution drafting body, the Constituent Assembly, to finish
its work before he calls for elections, or else risk having to call for
additional elections once the new constitution has been completed.
There are conflicting reports on
when elections would be called for exactly: some sources close to official
circles say they would be next month; others from Muslim Brotherhood quarters
say late November, whether or not a constitution is drafted.
The assessment within Muslim
Brotherhood quarters is that the Islamist camp would still retain considerable
control of the next parliament, even if not the same two thirds majority of the
dissolved parliament.
With an Islamist prime minister,
whose cabinet would be freed from SCAF supported ministers, either in the next
two weeks, some sources argue, or after parliamentary elections, and with an
Islamist head of the military, an Islamist vice president and an Islamist
parliament, along with the predominantly Islamist drafting body for the constitution,
the Islamist current, and president, is fully in control.
Long live, Egypt


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