Anatomy of Israel's Survival
Reviewed by Jim Miles
(The
Anatomy of Israel's
Survival. Hirsh Goodman. Signal/McClelland & Stewart, Toronto, 2011.)
The
“Anatomy of Israel’s
Survival” rests on a single backbone: military strength. I have always
said that Israel
will survive regardless of the situations it may find itself embroiled in
because of its obvious overwhelming military strength and its historical record
of using disproportionate force while doing so. Hirsh Goodman’s presentation,
as much as it discusses other problems for Israel, is essentially the same.
Israel has the military strength, is “known to possess an arsenal of several
hundred nuclear weapons of various kinds,” has one of the most technologically
advanced militaries, and is linked directly to the largest military state in
the world with which it shares its technology and ideologies, the U.S.
Survival is virtually guaranteed, what remains is the question of what kind of
state it will be.
While
the work is a recommendable read for understanding the mind set of a dedicated
Israelite, it presents some familiar problems. Hirsh does deal reasonably
critically with the politicians and politics within Israel (and the U.S.), yet
as with most pro-Israeli writers there are problems with the work - context,
definitions, lack of references, and the narrow mindedness of an accepted
narrative.
Iran
The
first chapter of the work starts with all the fear and paranoia that one might
expect from a sensationalist tabloid magazine. Whether this is an attention getting
mechanism, or perhaps Israelis really do feel this fear as instilled into them
by their system, Hirsh’s writing carries far too much along the line of fear
mongering to be acceptable for critical analysis. After many pages of declaring
how irrational and violent Iran
can be, he finally sums it all up stating “The cost to both countries of such
an attack would be vast and enduring. It is strategically nonsensical.”
His
attitude towards Iran
continues throughout the work. It is blamed for troubles with Hezbollah, Hamas,
and Syria in particular,
while not fully acknowledging Israel’s
role in the creation of these problems. Iran is a “sinister regime that
works in sinister ways. It uses terror, surrogates, and subterfuge with
impunity around the world.” Given a broader context, that also describes the U.S. and Israel with many of their actions
around the world. The 2006 war in Lebanon was “provoked” by
Hezbollah, later it was described as being “started” by Hezbollah. There is no
context given to the contentious border and the ongoing series of raids and
incursions by both sides, nor that Israel
always had plans to re-invade Lebanon
(later saying that Israel
had new plans with the intent to attack with disproportionate force).
Hezbollah
The
leaders of all these groups are seen as irrational, yet except for Nasrallah’s
acceptance that he had not considered the extent of Israel’s retaliation for a cross
border raid, all the groups have acted quite rationally and pragmatically. Iran
has not attacked anyone for centuries, aided the U.S. at first in its fight
with the Taliban and al-Qaeda, has generally worked within the Nuclear
Non-proliferation Treaty unlike India, Pakistan, and yes, Israel, the latter
having “danced around UN bureaucrats…defied the great powers and thumbed their
nose at successive American administrations, weaving and dodging and playing
one side against the other.” Okay, I misquoted Hirsh on the last phrase, but
its validity carries both ways.
Hezbollah
is also a pragmatic and rational actor. It demonstrates no intention of
initiating a war with Israel,
works positively for the development of the people of southern Lebanon if not all Lebanon, and now that it is in
power, has taken a very pragmatic role in the country’s politics. Others may not
like it, but it is not an aggressor nation, certainly one that is very prickly
for the defensive. Hezbollah has proven reasonably pragmatic once in
governance, as the ANC performed in South Africa,
and as the Sinn Fein performed in Ireland.
Hamas
The
same misrepresentation goes for Hamas. All the blame for Gaza’s
problems are aligned with Hamas and Iran. Hirsh’s narrative has
it that Hamas forcibly took control of Gaza in order to hide its fighters among
the citizens and women and children of the small enclave - no misquotes here,
just the Reader’s Digest condensed version of Hirsh’s version. The full context
is not even hinted at.
Hamas
won what at the time was considered the most democratic elections held in any
country in the Middle East (save Israel of course). Not wanting to
allow this democratic representation to stand, the U.S.
and Israel - preceded by Canada -
denounced the electoral results, not for the vote itself, but for the fact that
a ‘terrorist’ organization won the vote. Funding was immediately cut off, and
in Gaza, Fatah was encouraged to attack Hamas
(as in the West Bank) in order to subdue it and completely overthrow the
ability of the group to act as a political representative of the people of Palestine. Fatah lost the
internecine battle, Hamas was confined to the Gaza strip, and now Hirsh
complains about inaccurate errant rockets fired from Gaza, wondering why Hamas
does not just get on with building a society in Gaza.
But
that is another miss with Hirsh’s context on Gaza. He proudly reiterates the history of
the 2005 withdrawal of the settlers from Gaza,
describing only the closing of the borders of Gaza
to Israel.
No mention is made of the complete embargo of trade, the absolute control of
the air space and foreshore space, and the control of water and electricity,
all of which are intended to starve the Palestinians of Gaza into submission
and to try and get them to throw off the yoke of Hamas or simply move
away.
Palestine
The
largest problem with Hirsh’s description is its almost complete lack of
historical context. The deepest he goes is with some superficial
criticism of some of the decisions pertaining to the nakba, and the politics
and military decisions from that time forward. There is no discussion of
the historical narrative of Zionism which carries with it extensive
commentaries on the Palestinians living in the region and how the Israeli’s
need to have a clear majority in order to rule the country, achieved by some form
of ethnic cleansing. These commentaries extend back to the father’s of Zionism,
Herzl and Jabotinsky, extending through Ben-Gurion and Golda Meir to
today’s Lieberman and Netanyahu.
For
Hirsh, Palestine becomes an inconvenience to Israel’s
survival, not absolutely, but as to whether it can be “democratic and Jewish”
or become a “unitary state.” Hirsh does present some reasoned solutions to the
problem of Jerusalem,
but for the Palestinians as a whole he stops at questioning conjectures, the
big “if.”
“Israel’s
relations with the world could be very different if and when the country gets
the Palestinian issue off the table.”
“If
Israel
can resolve the Palestinian issue, it will become even healthier…”
“If
Israel
realizes that settlements are harmful to its own broader interests…”
Lots
of ifs, no solutions are offered.
Democracy
Hirsh’s
narrative quite naturally views Israel as being a democracy, with a vibrant
economy and a world leader in cutting edge technology, most of it with military
applications (whose achievement is assisted with large government subsidies for
research and development, see “Start-up Nation”, Senor and Singer, McClelland
& Stewart, Toronto, 2009).
It
should be quite obvious, even to Hirsh, that a country that militarily occupies
territory gained in a unilateral pre-emptive war (as the war of 1967 was) and
is signatory to the UN and Geneva conventions can hardly declare itself a
democracy when it uses imprisonment, torture, land confiscation, illegal
construction (either the Wall, or the many settlements that are illegal under
international law), and a variety of restrictive social and economic measures
to keep the Palestinian population completely under its control. Similarly, the
Arab/Palestinian population in Israel
itself, while theoretically equal politically, is subject to restrictive and
racist legislation that limits the social and economic mobility of the Arab
residents.
Certainly
Israel has the institutions
of a democracy, but then so do most autocratic rulers around the world from Myanmar to Zimbabwe. Hirsh complains about the
various factions in the Knesset and how some of the more radical ones hold the
more central parties hostage to their racist legislation. That can only be
accomplished with the compliance of the more powerful parties. To blame the
ultra-orthodox community for problems created in the Knesset is avoiding the
real issue of ethnocracy versus democracy. A Jewish Israel, with racist
legislation that can be applied against the Arab population cannot be a democracy.
To have a set of civic laws apply to one segment of the population, and to have
military rule imposed on an almost equally large ‘other’ segment is quite
simply non-democratic.
Demographics
One
of the underlying fears of all Israeli arguments concerning Palestine is that of demographics. As
indicated above, this well precedes the creation of the state of Israel.
Hirsh’s arguments for Jerusalem contain this
element, as the expansion of the territory
of Jerusalem has
incorporated a large number of Palestinians, creating a situation in which
percentage wise, the Arab population is increasing as the Jewish population
declines, with birth rates for both groups supporting this tendency.
Gaza re-enters the picture here. For all
the arguments about Gaza, Israel’s main intention is to remove that
segment of the population from Israel’s
demographics, eliminating theoretically 1.5 million Palestinians from the
Israeli books. That puts the siege of Gaza in a
rather strange light: if that population were to be removed from Israel
effectively, would not that best be achieved by making the area an economically
successful and viable community, with open borders, free airspace and rights to
the foreshore as all other littoral countries have? Or is the real agenda the
old ethnic cleansing idea, hoping that the Gazans will give up and move away?
All
the more reason to make Hamas into the ultimate bad guy and keep the pressure
on Gaza, ultimately a not very democratic format for removing the population
from the demographic equation that bothers Israel.
References
I
mentioned in my introduction that I had a problem with Hirsh’s lack of
references. He argues that “those who have a desire to get deeper information
on any given point can do so in a matter of seconds, just as I did,” with a
quick thank you to the people at the CIA for creating the World Factbook,
“which I used throughout the book.”
Okay,
the CIA used as the main source of information. Considering all its other
ineptitudes in reading world situations, one has to wonder about the validity
of its statistics and commentaries. Of course, anyone wishing to “dig deeper”
has many alternatives to the CIA statistics. Also, it is easy to receive good
statistics, as most governments will release that kind of information
voluntarily or through one of many organizations they may belong to. It is the
application of that information and its wise usage where the CIA has clear
limits and lacks.
Hirsh’s
arguments tend to support the Israeli narrative - as expected - of a country up
against a hostile neighbourhood. As for “digging deeper” into why this
may be so and what the historical contexts are for the Middle
East, it is almost fully missing. Hirsh’s narrative
indicates his support for a Jewish ethnocracy supported by the ultimate
military establishment. Most people tend to have their beliefs first, then
search to rationalize those beliefs, rather than formulate beliefs based on a
rational research into the information available.
For
those wanting to dig deeper, start here, at Palestine Chronicle. There
are many other informative Palestinian websites that reveal the true nature of
the Israeli occupation of Palestine.
For different views on foreign affairs, in particular countering the U.S. view of
the world, there are a vast number of sites. Anyone interested in “digging
deeper” can try Znet, Counterpunch, Countercurrents, Axis of Logic, al-Jazeera
English, Foreign Policy Journal, Uncommon Thought Journal among the many, many
associated and linked websites.
Hirsh
does worry about Israel’s
image abroad in the world, rightly so. From the literature that I have been
reviewing over that past decade concerning U.S. foreign policy and the
Palestinian problem, there have been distinct trends. First off were the many
‘revisionist’ writers, Pappe, Gordon, Rinehart, et al who elucidated the
historical context of Palestine, Zionism, and Israel. More
recently, I have been in receipt of several volumes that indicate a turn in the
world’s perspective on Israel,
wherein the Jewish people themselves are beginning to question the validity of
Jewish actions in Israel
as representative of Judaism. Further, there are many indications that
the BDS movement is gaining publicity for Israeli occupation atrocities, if not
having a true economic effect on Israel
(not likely with its global military trade, global security trade, and billions
of dollars in annual U.S.
support).
Read It Anyway
For
all my criticisms of the work, it is engagingly written and may be fairly
indicative of the general Israeli academic mindset at this point in time.
If one is to understand all aspects of this arena of conflict, “The Anatomy of
Israel’s Survival” represents a perspective that requires deeper digging. I
cannot argue with or against someone if I do not understand their perspective,
and while a true understanding may not always be possible, the author is
obviously attempting to make his viewpoint understood. Books can do
that.
-
Jim Miles is a Canadian educator and a regular contributor/columnist of opinion
pieces and book reviews for The Palestine
Chronicle. Miles' work is also presented globally through other
alternative websites and news publications.


































































































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