Syria,
Ambassador Ford and a Crusaders' Castle
by Felicity Arbuthnot
by Felicity Arbuthnot
"Diplomacy: The conduct of the relations of one state with another by peaceful means; skill in the management of international relations ... " - "Duplicity: deception; double dealing." (Collins Dictionary.)
Remember that "Crusade"? It is back, it seems - if it ever went away.
On the 16th of September 2001, George W. Bush announced, ". . . this Crusade, this war on terrorism, is going to take a while."
Six months later, that designated "dove" of the Bush Administration, General Colin Powell, gave an ultimatum to Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf demanding he be on board to topple the Taliban and neutralize al-Qaeda in Afghanistan.
Powell, in testimony before a Commission investigating the September 11th attacks (24th of March 2004) stated that, "We gave them twenty-four (or) forty-eight hours, and then I called President Musharraf and said, 'We need your answer now. We need you as part of this campaign - this Crusade.' "
Now, Robert S. Ford, US Ambassador to Syria, has imaginatively resurrected the "Crusade" as diplomatic representative of a President who pledged, at Cairo University in June 2009: "I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world ... America is not - and never will be - at war with Islam."
In his article, "The Salvador Option for Syria," Michel Chossudovsky gives a crash course on the multiply diverse Ambassador Ford, to whom, it must be said, diplomacy would seem to be yet another far away land..
However, even the insightful Professor Chossudovsky was unlikely to have forseen that after Ambassador Ford slunk out of Syria in October last year, having indulged in ten months of provocative, divisive, inflammatory and politically confrontational actions. He would set up a Facebook page (iii), its massive profile picture being the UNESCO World Heritage listed site of what T.E. Lawrence ("Lawrence of Arabia") described as, "Perhaps the best preserved and most wholly admirable castle in the world (which) forms a fitting commentary on any account of the Crusading buildings of Syria."
This dominant image on the Ambassador's social networking site is of the Krak de Chevaliers, a Crusaders' castle considered perhaps the finest example of such anywhere. The current fortress was completed in 1031, but captured in the First Crusade in 1099 by Raymond IVth of Toulouse.
Robert Ford's choice for visual statement of his vision for dominance of Syria could surely, hardly be more symbolic and enlightening.
Via Facebook, the Ambassador accuses, incites and rambles to the Syrian people and the world.
On the 20th of June, with an arrogance that should be breathtaking - but little but that comes from the US any more - he lectured Syria's armed forces: "For this posting, I want to address the members of the Syrian military and their role in this crisis. The role of any nation's military is to defend the country and to protect the people, not to harm them. The United States believes the Syrian military should have an invaluable, integral role to play in the new democratic Syria, if it decides to fulfill its true purpose and stand with the Syrian people now."
Ford queries the army wanting " to help secure the role of the professional military in a democratic Syria by supporting the Syrian people and their transition ..."
He talked of them being used in "President Assad's campaign of torture and terror," of "destruction, massacre," thus: "abhorrent (running) counter to international law and the ethics of military professionalism ... Soldiers should know that under international law, they have a responsibility to uphold basic human rights and that they do not escape responsibility for violations simply because they are subject to orders."
Quite. Has the Ambassador glanced toward the behaviour of US forces in neighbouring Iraq or in Afghanistan? The massacres, rapes of young and old, the use of children as human shields, often luring them with sweets,toys - now well documented - plus torture, disappearances and Stalinesque "re-education centres"?
It has never been adequately established what the scary name "re-education" centre did or taught.
Prior to invading Iraq, prominent military leaders such as Lt. Gen. William Boykin also described the war in evangelical terms, casting the U.S. military as the "army of God."
Indeed Mikey Weinstein, President of the Military Religious Freedom Foundation, has stated that a cadre of forty U.S. chaplains took part in a 2003 project to distribute 2.4 million Arabic-language Bibles in Iraq.
A 2003 newsletter for the group notes that, "The goal is to establish a wedge for the kingdom of God in the Middle East, directly affecting the Islamic world." (iv)
A Lt. Colonel Gary Hensley expounded on the need to spread the Gospel: "The special forces guys - they hunt men basically," he said. "We do the same things as Christians, we hunt people for Jesus. We do, we hunt them down. Get the Hound of Heaven after them, so we get them into the Kingdom. That's what we do, that's our business."
Back to the Ambassador who hit the "road to Damascus" on his personal Crusade and who clearly subscribes to the "activists say"school of "fact" gathering, since his claims come from barely a single named source on the ground, and from "informants" in Paris, London and Washington who have risen without trace.
The Syrian military was also, opined Robert Ford: "acting as a leading destabilizing force." That should win the hearts and minds of a proud army, from a proud country, losing numerous friends and colleagues fighting a seemingly foreign fomented insurgency.
Ford should know a bit about destabilizing: "A few short weeks after his arrival" (surely coincidentally) "a wave of pro-democracy protests swept through the Middle East and public protests in Syria launched an uprising. Ford's robust diplomacy on the ground in Syria centered on a strong show of support for the Syrian opposition movement.
Ford's physical presence in Hama, without official sanction from the Syrian government, functioned as a visible statement of support (for the opposition). Ford continued to support the opposition by attending protestor funerals, speaking with Syrians on the ground and through social media, and educating Americans via satellite images and descriptions of the conflict on the Embassy's official website."
Former CIA intelligence officer, Michael Scheuer, has alleged that prior to Ford's flight from Syria, he was traveling across the country inciting groups to overthrow the government.
On the 15th of June, the Facebook update displayed a map: "This map is an update of the one we originally posted on April 27 which shows the number of people displaced by the violence in Syria. The Assad regime is a destabilizing force both within Syria and throughout the region." Verifiable facts were noticeable by omission.
Of course, no US propaganda campaign would be complete without a mass grave, so an aerial view of a patch of land which contextually means absolutely nothing, is obligingly declared one. (Don't mention Falluja, Najav, Kerbala, Basra, Baghdad, Mosul, Tel Afar ...).
On the 22nd of June, the entry cited Secretary of State Hillary Clinton accusing Syria of: "... not doing enough to stop slavery ..." That one really does come from the "Must do better" collection.
The following day was the gleeful announcement that, "The head of the Syrian Olympic Committee, General Mowaffak Joumaa, has been refused a visa to travel to London for the Olympic Games." (Given London's missile-loaded war ships, ground to air missiles on the roofs, the attack helicopters, the drones, the experimental "sonic weapon" and thousands of twitchy, armed to the teeth FBI agents, for the Olympics, he may anyway feel safer in Syria).
The Ambassador without an Embassy is also worried about the Crusaders' castle. His entry on the subject reads: "The Krak de Chevaliers/Qala'at al-Hosn was chosen as a UNESCO World Heritage Site because it is a gem of Crusader ... architecture. Are the Syrian authorities fulfilling their obligations to the Syrian people and to the international community when it comes to site preservation and protection?"
This is apart from the fact that the "Syrian authorities" may have other things on their minds and the Castle has stood for approaching a thousand years, perhaps Robert Ford's concern for the regional heritage of the "international community" should also address America's destruction of Babylon, damage to Ur (ongoing under his watch whilst serving at the US Embassy in Baghdad 2004-2005), the sacking of Iraq's treasures in the National Museum, the looting of libraries, which has been compared to the historic tragedy of the destruction of the great Library of Alexandria up to sixteen centuries ago. (vi)
The Ambassador's outreach, however, is not getting an entirely glitch free ride, there are persistent dissenters. One, Brian Souter, leaves uncomfortably insightful one-liners, they disappear, but he doggedly returns. Another Anas Salih, left this: "Hey Yankees, I'm an Iraqi and know all your Hollywood stories in Iraq, so you better not fall in the same mistake again. Al Qaeda in Syria killing hundreds of people each day in the name of their belief - there is no way that the Syrian regime is doing all this to stay in power.
"It is crystal clear now that this is not a revolution, it is insurgency and terrorism. Every day, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar are providing funding of millions of dollars to arm the opposition ... no matter how hard those terrorists will try, eventually you will see that Bashar (al Assad) has nothing to do with any killing or bombing.
"Hopefully not too late because each day another soul is being taken from its body. The lives we have lost in Iraq, kids ,women, men and animals all because of you, USA, so don't try to be a hero and show compassion (sic) now ... " (Removed in last twenty-four hours, but copied directly and only spelling corrected.)
Ambassador Ford has written that there are "parallels" with Syria and the Balkans. The cynic might say the "parallel" is the alleged "hired hands." Historian, David Halberstam, ("War in a Time of Peace" pb 2003, p347) quotes deputy to the Balkans "Tzar" Richard Holbrooke, Bob Frasure - regarding US training and arming of the Croats - who passed Holbrooke a scribbled note in a meeting, on the back of a place card, "Dick, we 'hired' these guys as our junkyard dogs because we were desperate ... this is no time to get squeamish ..."
On the 7th of May, "Robert S. Ford was presented with the John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library by Caroline Kennedy. He was honored for his bold and courageous diplomacy which has provided crucial support to Syrians ..."
Crusade: "Medieval military expeditions undertaken by the Christian powers ... to recapture the Holy Land from the Muslims."
______________________________________________
Office of the Press Secretary
(Cairo,Egypt)
(Cairo,Egypt)
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE June 4, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON A NEW BEGINNING
ON A NEW BEGINNING
Cairo University
Cairo , Egypt
Cairo , Egypt
1:10 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good
afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable
institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon
of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo
University has been a source of Egypt's
advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition
and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of
the people of Egypt.
And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a
greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu
alaykum. (Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States
and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go
beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the
West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and
religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that
denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which
Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to
their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity
and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the
traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small
but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the
continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians
has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to
America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has
bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences,
we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote
conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve
justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to
seek a new beginning between the United States
and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect,
and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive
and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common
principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of
all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen
overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but
no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time
that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this
point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say
openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are
said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen
to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek
common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and
speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try
to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us,
and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more
powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.
I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes
generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and
heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.
As a young man, I worked in Chicago
communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to
Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light
of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's
Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities --
(applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order
of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens
and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be
healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;
timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful
contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through
words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial
equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's
story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.
In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams,
wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the
laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding,
American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have
fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for
civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our
universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes,
built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first
Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend
our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers --
Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to
the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my
conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on
what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my
responsibility as President of the United States to fight against
negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.
(Applause.) Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not
the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States
has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever
known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were
founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and
struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders,
and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every
end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum --
"Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American
with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.
(Applause.) But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of
opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but
its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7
million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes
and educational levels that are higher than the American average.
(Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the
freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in
every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.
That's why the United States
government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear
the hijab and to punish those who would deny it. (Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.
And I believe that America
holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in
life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to
get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our
communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope
of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the
beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our
people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;
and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to
meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a
financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.
When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation
pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all
nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people
are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur
are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.
(Applause.) That is what it means to share this world in the 21st
century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human
beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For
human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes,
religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.
Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our
interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people
over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we
must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through
partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.
Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions
squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as
I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront
together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent
extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not
-- and never will be -- at war with Islam. (Applause.) We will,
however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to
our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths
reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is
my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan
demonstrates America's
goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States
pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did
not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still
some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be
clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims
were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who
had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly
murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their
determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many
countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to
be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our
troops in Afghanistan.
We see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing
for America
to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult
to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our
troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46
countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not
weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They
have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different
faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their
actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of
nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an
innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind.
(Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as
if he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over
a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is
not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important
part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to
solve the problems in Afghanistan
and Pakistan.
That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to
partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses,
and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why
we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy
and deliver services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that
provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although
I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny
of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq
have reminded America
of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our
problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we can recall the
words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will
grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it
will be."
Today, America
has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq
forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have
made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have made it clear to the
Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or
resources. Iraq's
sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat
brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to
remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops
from Iraq
by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train its security forces and
develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a
partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence
by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven
was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it
provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to
our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
(Applause.)
So America
will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of
law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are
also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in
Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss
is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's
strong bonds with Israel
are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural
and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish
homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for
centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe
culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where
Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third
Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish
population of Israel
today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is
hateful. Threatening Israel
with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply
wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of
memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the
Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a
homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of
dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring
lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to
lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come
with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the
Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on
the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of
their own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two
peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes
compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to
point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis
to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from
within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only
from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only
resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states,
where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
(Applause.)
That is in Israel's
interest, Palestine's interest, America's
interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to
personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the
task requires. (Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that
the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to
come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our
responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through
violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries,
black people in America
suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of
segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal
rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at
the center of America's
founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe
to Indonesia.
It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It
is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children,
or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is
claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can
build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern,
with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support
among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have
responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations,
to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize
past agreements, recognize Israel's
right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied,
neither can Palestine's.
The United States
does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.
(Applause.) This construction violates previous agreements and undermines
efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
(Applause.)
And Israel
must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and
work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian
families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza
does not serve Israel's
security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian
people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must
take concrete steps to enable such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab
Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their
responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to
distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must
be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions
that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose
progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America
will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public
what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.
(Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims
recognize that Israel
will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a
Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be
true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been
shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the
mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without
fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that
God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and
Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to
mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the
story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in
prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the
rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States
and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has
defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a
tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States
played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian
government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran
has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and
civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped
in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my
country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is
against, but rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust,
but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be
many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move
forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is
clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a
decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's
about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East
that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have
weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which
nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's
commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
(Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to
access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under
the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of
the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful
that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
(Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the
promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is
connected to the war in Iraq.
So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one
nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this
promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these
rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing
ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all
peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we
disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments
-- provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who
advocate for democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are
ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. (Applause.) So no
matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a
single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your
power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities,
and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the
interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process
above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make
true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.)
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in
the history of Andalusia and Cordoba
during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia,
where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim
country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country
should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the
mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion
to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure
one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness
of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.
(Applause.) And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among
Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic
violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to
live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect
it. For instance, in the United
States, rules on charitable giving have made
it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why
I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill
zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid
impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for
instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't
disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is
women's rights. (Applause.) I know –- I know -- and you can tell
from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I
reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair
is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education
is denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that
countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are
by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey,
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen
Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle
for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in
countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as
much to society as our sons. (Applause.) Our common prosperity will
be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full
potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men
in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives
in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States
will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for
girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that
helps people live their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and
opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is
contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and
information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the
home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge
disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this
change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control
over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities --
those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our
traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.
There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries
like Japan and South Korea
grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The
same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from
Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our
times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and
education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be
based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while
young people are out of work. Many Gulf
states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of
oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all
of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the
21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains
underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my
own country. And while America
in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world,
we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase
scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At
the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim
communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships
in America; invest in online
learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online
network, so a young person in Kansas can
communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of
business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority
countries. And I will host a Summit on
Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business
leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim
communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to
support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help
transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll
open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to
collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs,
digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new
global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate
polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to
promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership.
Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community
organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around
the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to
address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the
world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people,
and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are
each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful
purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all
God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is
the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who
question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke
the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest
that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and
civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real
change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built
up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will
never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people
of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to
reimagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.
The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or
whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find
common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect
the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's
easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is
different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should
choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies
at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them
do unto us. (Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples
-- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't
Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of
civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.
It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we
have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been
written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We
have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and
tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is
for the purpose of promoting peace."
\
\
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the
peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We
know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.
Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
2:05 P.M. (Local)
2:05 P.M. (Local)
_______________________________________________
Christian Soldiers
Jun 18, 2009 8:00 PM EDT
The growing controversy over military chaplains using the armed forces to spread the Word.
Ever since former president George
W. Bush referred to the war on terror as a “crusade” in the days
after the September 11 attacks, many have charged that the United States was conducting a holy
war, pitting a Christian America against the Muslim world. That perception grew
as prominent military leaders such as Lt. Gen. William Boykin described the
wars in evangelical terms, casting the U.S. military as the "army of
God." Although President Obama addressed the Muslim world this month in an
attempt to undo the Bush administration's legacy of militant Christian rhetoric
that often antagonized Muslim countries, several recent stories have framed the
issue as a wider problem of an evangelical military culture that sees spreading
Christianity as part of its mission.
A May
article in Harper’s by Jeff Sharlet illustrated a military engaged
in an internal battle over religious practice. Then came news
about former Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s Scripture-themed briefings to
President Bush that paired war scenes with Bible verses. (In an e-mail
published on Politico, Rumsfeld aide Keith Urbahn denied that the former
Defense secretary had created or even seen many of the briefings.) Later in
May, Al-Jazeera broadcast clips filmed in 2008 showing stacks of Bibles
translated into Pashto and Dari at the U.S.
air base in Bagram and featuring the chief of U.S.
military chaplains in Afghanistan,
Lt. Col. Gary Hensley, telling soldiers to “hunt people for Jesus.”
In the aftermath of that report,
the Pentagon responded that it had confiscated and destroyed the Bibles and
said there was no effort to convert Afghans. But while the military dismissed
the Bagram Bibles as an isolated incident, a civil-rights watchdog group,
Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF), says this is not the case.
According to the group's president, Mikey Weinstein, a cadre of 40 U.S. chaplains took part in a 2003 project to
distribute 2.4 million Arabic-language Bibles in Iraq. This would be a serious
violation of U.S.
military Central Command's General Order Number One forbidding active-duty
troops from trying to convert people to any religion. A Defense Department
spokeswoman, in an e-mail to NEWSWEEK, denies any knowledge of this project.
The Bible initiative was handled by
former Army chaplain Jim Ammerman, the 83-year-old founder of the Chaplaincy of
Full Gospel Churches (CFGC), an organization in charge of endorsing 270
chaplains and chaplain candidates for the armed services.
Ammerman worked with an evangelical
group based in Arkansas, the International Missions
Network Center,
to distribute the Bibles through the efforts of his 40 active-duty chaplains in
Iraq.
A 2003 newsletter for the group said of the effort, "The goal is to
establish a wedge for the kingdom of God in the Middle East,
directly affecting the Islamic world."
J. E. Wadkins, vice president of
student life at Ecclesia College who oversees the International Missions
Network Center,
says they have worked with Ammerman for 20 years and reached out to him as part
of their "Bibles for the Nations" mission. He estimates that in the
end, between 100,000 and 500,000 Arabic Bibles were distributed in under one
year, beginning not long after Saddam Hussein's ouster. "It was a really
early effort there," says Wadkins, "when things first opened
up."
The effort is an example of what
critics call a growing culture of militarized Christianity in the armed forces.
It is influenced in part by changes in outlook among the various branches'
2,900 chaplains, who are sworn to serve all soldiers, regardless of religion,
with a respectful, religiously pluralistic approach. However, with an estimated
two thirds of all current chaplains affiliated with evangelical and Pentecostal
denominations, which often prioritize conversion and evangelizing, and a marked
decline in chaplains from Catholic and mainstream Protestant churches, this
ideal is suffering. Historian Anne C. Loveland attributes the shift to the
Vietnam War, when many liberal churches opposed to the war supplied fewer
chaplains, creating a vacuum filled by conservative churches. This imbalance
was exacerbated by regulation revisions in the 1980s that helped create
hundreds of new "endorsing agencies" that brought a flood of
evangelical chaplains into the military and by the simple fact that evangelical
and Pentecostal churches are the fastest-growing in the U.S.
The chaplains minister to flocks
that are, on the whole, slightly less religious than the general population and
slightly less evangelical. According to a 2008 Department of Defense survey, 22
percent of active-duty members of the military described themselves as
evangelical or Pentecostal (although the actual number of evangelical-minded
believers is likely higher when encompassing personnel who follow more
evangelical expressions of mainline Protestant denominations, as well as a
sizable percentage of the additional 20 percent that describe themselves simply
as "Christian").
___________________________________________________
US
troops urged to share faith and filmed with local Bibles despite
anti-proselytising rules.
Last Modified: 04 May 2009 08:40 GMT
US soldiers have been encouraged to spread the message of their Christian
faith among Afghanistan's
predominantly Muslim population, video footage obtained by Al Jazeera appears
to show.
Military chaplains stationed in the US air base at Bagram were also
filmed with bibles printed in the country's main Pashto and Dari languages.
In one recorded sermon, Lieutenant-Colonel Gary Hensley, the chief of the US military chaplains in Afghanistan, is
seen telling soldiers that as followers of Jesus Christ, they all have a
responsibility "to be witnesses for him".
"The special forces guys - they hunt men basically. We do the same
things as Christians, we hunt people for Jesus. We do, we hunt them down,"
he says.
"Get the hound of heaven after them, so we get them into the kingdom.
That's what we do, that's our business."
Local language Bibles
The footage, shot about a year ago by Brian Hughes, a documentary maker and
former member of the US
military who spent several days in Bagram, was obtained by Al Jazeera's James Bays,
who has covered Afghanistan
extensively.
Bays also obtained from Hughes a Pashto-language copy of one
of the books he picked up during a Bible study lesson he recorded at Bagram.
A Pashto speaker confirmed to Bays that it was a Bible.
In other footage captured at Bagram, Sergeant Jon Watt, a soldier who is set
to become a military chaplain, is seen giving thanks for the work that his
church in the US did in getting Bibles printed and sent to Afghanistan.
"I also want to praise God because my church collected some money to
get Bibles for Afghanistan.
They came and sent the money out," he is heard saying during a Bible study
class.
It is not clear that the Bibles were distributed to Afghans, but Hughes said
that none of the people he recorded in a series of sermons and Bible study
classes appeared to able to speak Pashto or Dari.
"They weren't talking about learning how to speak Dari or Pashto, by
reading the Bible and using that as the tool for language lessons," Hughes
said.
"The only reason they would have these documents there was to
distribute them to the Afghan people. And I knew it was wrong, and I knew that
filming it … documenting it would be important."
Pentagon officials have so far not responded to a copy of the footage
provided to them, but the distribution of Bibles in a place as politically
sensitive as Afghanistan is
bound to cause deep concern in Washington,
our correspondent says.
Guidelines
It is not clear if the presence of the Bibles and exhortations for soldiers
to be "witnesses" for Jesus continues, but they were filmed a year
ago despite regulations by the US military's Central Command that expressly
forbid "proselytising of any religion, faith or practice".
But in another piece of footage taken by Hughes, the
chaplains appear to have found a way around the regulation known as General
Order Number One.
"Do we know what it means to proselytise?" Captain Emmit Furner, a
military chaplain, says to the gathering.
"It is General Order Number One," an unidentified soldier replies.
But Watt says "you can't proselytise but you can give gifts".
The footage also suggests US
soldiers gave out Bibles in Iraq.
In his address to a Bible study group at Bagram, Afghanistan,
Watt is recorded as saying: "I bought a carpet and then I gave the guy a
Bible after I conducted my business.
"The Bible wasn't to be 'hey, I'll give you this and I'll give you a
better deal because that would be wrong', [but] the expressions that I got from
the people in Iraq
[were] just phenomenal, they were hungry for the word."
The footage has surfaced as Barack Obama, the US
president, prepares to host Hamid
Karzai, Afghanistan's
president, at a summit focusing on how to tackle al-Qaeda and Taliban bases
dotted along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border.
Asif Ali Zardari, Pakistan's
president, will also take part in the talks in Washington, scheduled for May 5 and 6.
Source: Al Jazeera
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